欧盟—非加太伙伴关系中的政治条件性：从欧非双边主义到非洲区域化

本研究分析欧盟—非加太伙伴关系不断演变的法律和制度框架，特别关注《萨摩亚协定》的影响，以及非洲联盟在人权和民主治理方面的机制。研究还将探讨，在区域自主性不断增强的背景下，欧盟传统上对非洲国家施加的政治条件性将走向何方。

Job description: Project description: The promotion of human rights, democratic principles, and the rule of law constitutes a fundamental dimension of the partnership between the European Union and the African, Caribbean, and Pacific (ACP) states. Gradually enshrined in cooperation agreements, this political dimension found specific expression in the Cotonou Agreement of June 23, 2000; Article 9 of that agreement established these principles as essential elements of the partnership, while Article 96 set out a consultation procedure that could lead to the adoption of appropriate measures in the event of a violation. Two developments now add a new dimension to this conditionality. First, there is the Samoa Agreement, signed on November 15, 2023, and applied provisionally since January 1, 2024. By structuring the EU–ACP partnership around a common foundation and three regional protocols, this agreement introduces a geographical and institutional differentiation that necessitates a rethinking of how shared commitments are implemented. Second, and in parallel, African states have developed their own instruments for protecting democratic principles and the rule of law—notably within the framework of the African Union and various sub-regional organizations. The African Charter on Democracy, Elections and Governance exemplifies this commitment to anchoring the guarantee of these principles within an African normative order. This new context warrants an analysis of the legal and institutional reconfiguration of the mechanisms designed to safeguard fundamental principles within the EU–ACP partnership. Specifically, it invites an examination of how these mechanisms apply to the African member states of the organization, focusing on the interplay between conventional political conditionality and African regional oversight mechanisms, against the backdrop of the regionalization established by the Samoa Agreement. The scientific interest of this subject lies in shifting the focus from the effectiveness of European conditionality to an examination of how well the guarantee mechanism aligns with its intended purpose, its target recipients, and the institutional environment in which it operates—as well as the implications of this evolution for its continued role within the partnership. To what extent do the regionalization of the EU–OACPS partnership and the emergence of African mechanisms for upholding fundamental principles suggest that political conditionality—in its traditional form—may be coming to an end with regard to the African states that are members of the OACPS? While conditionality is predicated on commitments entered into voluntarily, its legitimacy and effectiveness can be compromised by the sensitive nature of the obligations involved, the inherent asymmetries within the partnership, and the challenges associated with defining and assessing specific standards. Furthermore, this regionalization could lead to the end of political conditionality as traditionally conceived. If the safeguarding of fundamental principles is increasingly managed within African frameworks, EU–ACP conditionality may lose some of its justification as an autonomous mechanism for monitoring the political commitments of African states. Its transition toward a complementary—or even subsidiary—role could represent a step beyond its traditional design. It remains to be determined, however, whether moving beyond this traditional model would entail the complete disappearance of the mechanism or merely a transformation of its functions, given the specific rights and obligations inherent in the partnership. Consequently, the effectiveness of the guarantee of fundamental principles may depend not only on the legal weight of the commitments and the measures stipulated in the event of a breach, but also on the extent to which the mechanisms tasked with ensuring compliance are institutionally 'owned' by the relevant actors.

Profile and skills required: Master in international law or regional integration law. Niveau de français requis: Compétent/Courant: Vous pouvez utiliser la langue avec aisance et facilité en argumentant sur des sujets complexes.